President Samuel Huntington

 Samuel Huntington

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 Last President of Continental Congress
United States of America
September 29, 1779 to February 28, 1781

First President of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to July 6, 1781

Continental Congress of the United States Presidents 
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781

John Hancock	July 2, 1776	October 29, 1777
Henry Laurens	November 1, 1777	December 9, 1778
John Jay	December 10, 1778	September 28, 1779
Samuel Huntington	September 29, 1779	February 28, 1781

Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789

Samuel Huntington	March 1, 1781	July 6, 1781
Samuel Johnston	July 10, 1781	Declined Office
Thomas McKean	July 10, 1781	November 4, 1781
John Hanson	November 5, 1781	November 3, 1782
Elias Boudinot	November 4, 1782	November 2, 1783
Thomas Mifflin	November 3, 1783	June 3, 1784
Richard Henry Lee	November 30, 1784	November 22, 1785
John Hancock	November 23, 1785	June 5, 1786
Nathaniel Gorham	June 6, 1786	February 1, 1787
Arthur St. Clair	February 2, 1787	January 21, 1788
Cyrus Griffin	January 22, 1788	January 21, 1789

Samuel Huntington (July 16, 1731 – January 5, 1796) played a pivotal role in the early history of the United States. Hailing from Connecticut, he was not only a Founding Father but also a lawyer, jurist, statesman, and Patriot during the American Revolution. As a delegate to the Continental Congress, Huntington etched his name on both the Declaration of Independence and the Articles of Confederation. His leadership extended to serving as the final President of the Continental Congress from September 29, 1779, to February 28, 1781, and subsequently as the inaugural President of the United States in Congress Assembled from March 1, 1781, until his resignation on July 6, 1781, due to health concerns. In addition, Huntington held the esteemed position of chief justice of the Connecticut Supreme Court from 1784 to 1785, and he served as the 18th Governor of Connecticut from 1786 until his passing. Remarkably, he became the first United States governor to pass away while in office, leaving behind a legacy of dedication and service to his country.

Samuel Huntington, a son of a Puritan farmer, was born on July 16, 1731. The birth date of July 16th, 1731 differs from the official U.S. Congressional Biography because during his tomb's restoration, a 207 year old plaque was discovered stating:

His Excellency

Samuel Huntington Esq.
Governor of the State of Connecticut
was born July 16th AD 1731
and died January 5th AD 1796
aged 64 years

Samuel Huntington Plaque  was discovered
in his tomb 's renovations in 2003

  

Both Martha and Samuel Huntington were re-interred on November 24, 2003 at Old Norwichtown Cemetery in Norwich, Connecticut.  I was given the distinct privilege of delivering the keynote speech at  the re-entombment of President and First Lady Huntington, an honor that was well above my station.  

Samuel Huntington's birthplace, the Huntington Homestead, is located at 36 Huntington Road in Scotland, Connecticut.   The house and grounds are open to the public May through October on the first and third Saturdays of each month from 11 a.m. to 3 p.m.  

President Huntington was a self-educated man who, at age sixteen, was apprenticed to a cooper. He taught himself Latin at night and devoured every book on law he could find. At twenty-seven he was admitted to the bar and relocated to Norwich, a larger town offering more opportunity to build a law practice. Within one year he met, courted and married Martha Devotion the local minister's daughter.  The law practice and the couple flourished together in Norwich.

In 1764, Huntington was elected to the provincial assembly and in quick succession became a justice of the peace, the King's Attorney for Connecticut, and a member of the colony's council. He was elected to the second Continental Congress of the United Colonies of America representing Connecticut in Philadelphia.

A deliberate man, Huntington worked methodically for independence often tempering the passions of his fellow New England Delegates. He was described by a fellow delegate as:

"His Excellency Samuel Huntington President is a Man of a Mild, Steady & firm Conduct and of Sound & Methodical Judgment though not a Man of Many Words or very Shining abilities. But upon the Whole is better Suited to Preside than any other Member Now in Congress. In his Dress & Manners, he is very plain, very gentlemanly and truly republican. He is from Connecticut."[1]

After signing the Declaration of Independence, Huntington served in the Continental Congress for three more years. He was skeptical of entrusting large powers to individual or groups. Consequently scholars have aligned him with the Adams-Lee faction in the Continental Congress and later the USCA who shared the same philosophy of politics. Sanders writes in his Huntington biography:

He cast his vote against half pay for seven years for officers of the army; was not in favor of recalling Izard from abroad, but voted for the recall of William and Arthur Lee, and did not believe that Jay should be instructed to abandon the free navigation of the Mississippi, if he deemed it necessary. [2]

Liberty Bell on tour at the New Orleans World's Fair in 1884

Samuel Huntington was elected President of the Continental Congress on September 28, 1779 [3] as a replacement to John Jay, a staunch conservative, who sought and was granted the position of Foreign Minister to Spain. In a September 29, 1779 letter to New York Governor George Clinton former President John Jay approved of Huntington’s election clearly indicating that he did not alienate the Conservation Faction of Congress. Delegate Arthur Lee wrote to Elbridge Gerry a year later about Huntington’s Presidency that, “Toryism is triumphant here. They have displaced every Whig but the President”.[4] By 1780, the son of a Connecticut farmer made the extraordinary transformation from a small town country lawyer to a quite effective U.S. Continental Congress President.

Huntington presided over the Continental Congress during a critical period in the War for Independence. His commitment to independence and his Presidency is well-known among scholars as his unwavering leadership held our nation together during the following succession of military losses, sedition and unprecedented military defection.

In the first two months of his presidency, Huntington was enthusiastic and filled with confidence. The military situation had improved due to the French Alliance, Spain’s entry into the War, and recent successes in the northern battlefields. 

Additionally, in a detailed report to Minister Benjamin Franklin, Captain John Paul Jones recounted his eventful naval campaign, particularly the battle with the British ship Serapis, which was shared with Congress. 

Departing from Groaix, Jones led a small fleet, including his flagship, Bonhomme Richard, and faced various challenges, including insubordination, resource limitations, and treacherous weather. Despite capturing several British ships, including the Serapis, Jones experienced strained relations with his captains, especially Pierre Landais of the Alliance, who defied orders and even fired on Jones's ship during the intense battle with the Serapis.

Jones highlights the chaotic action as the Bonhomme Richard grappled with the Serapis, suffering severe damage and nearly sinking before prevailing. He laments the lack of cooperation from his fleet, which allowed part of the British convoy to escape. Jones also criticizes French diplomat M. de Chaumont for poor logistical support and lack of confidentiality. He expresses gratitude to the French government for its support but insists on exclusive command authority for any future missions, disheartened by the lack of discipline and cohesion among his allied captains.

Samuel Huntington’s presidency placed significant social demands on him and his wife, Martha, who had joined him in Philadelphia. As the head of the Continental Congress, Huntington took on the role of hosting and attending numerous social events, an essential aspect of fostering unity and camaraderie among members of Congress. The couple regularly entertained delegates with dinners, teas, and gatherings, creating an atmosphere of solidarity during a period of intense political and social strain. Additionally, Huntington represented the young republic at various high-profile functions, from July 4th celebrations to formal receptions for foreign dignitaries, exemplifying the ceremonial duties that came with his position.

By early 1780, however, the American cause appeared increasingly dire, with morale and resources both dangerously low. Instead of witnessing the improvements they hoped for, Huntington and other leaders saw a sharp decline in the nation’s fortunes. France’s initial support began to dwindle, partly due to the states' inability to ratify the Articles of Confederation—also known as the Constitution of 1777—and to meet critical quotas for money, troops, and supplies. The value of American currency, often dismissed derisively as a "Continental" due to its rapid devaluation, plummeted abroad. America's credit and financial reputation now depended largely on the diminishing fortunes and efforts of patriotic financiers like Robert Morris and Haym Salomon. Ironically, the nation seeking foreign recognition and aid was, in many respects, legally and practically disjointed.

The situation within the Continental Army was equally grim. With little food, inadequate clothing, and sporadic pay, soldiers faced conditions so desperate that mutiny became a persistent threat. Desertions to British forces averaged over 100 men each month, reflecting the desperation among the ranks. Meanwhile, the British, emboldened by the Americans' struggles, launched a successful southern campaign, capturing strategic ports and even compelling prominent figures like former Continental Congress President Henry Middleton to surrender. Middleton took an oath of allegiance to King George III after Charleston, South Carolina, fell to British control. The dire state of affairs led George Washington to confess he had "almost ceased to hope," a sobering indication of the low morale among even the highest ranks.

The devaluation of the Continental dollar, however, posed perhaps the greatest threat to Congress's authority and functionality. President Huntington emphasized that stabilizing the currency was imperative to solving the nation’s financial crisis, which included a staggering $200 million in debt. By March 1780, the Continental dollar had devalued to such an extent that, in some regions, fifty Continental dollars were needed to equal one Spanish silver dollar. This runaway inflation highlighted the fragility of the new nation’s economy, pushing Congress to act as they confronted this severe depreciation, as illustrated in the table of U.S. dollar depreciation from May 1775 to March 18, 1780.

Date	U.S. Dollars	Spanish Milled Silver Dollar
May 10, 1775	1	1
March 1, 1778	1.75	1
September 1, 1778	4	1
March 1, 1779	10	1
September 1, 1779	18	1
March 18, 1780	40	1
	Copyright	© Stan Klos 2008

Continental $5.00 Bill states “This bill entitles the Bearer to receive Five Spanish Milled Dollars, or the Value there-of in Gold or Silver according to a Resolution of Congress passed at Philadelphia November 29, 1775.” - Copyright © Historic.us

On March 18, 1780, the Continental Congress passed a resolution that fundamentally altered the financial landscape of the fledgling United States. This resolution effectively reversed the 1775 guarantee that had pegged the value of one U.S. dollar to one Spanish Milled dollar. Faced with severe inflation and mounting debt, Congress adopted a policy that set a new exchange rate of 40 U.S. dollars for every Spanish Milled dollar. This dramatic shift allowed Congress to reduce the national debt on paper, slashing the amount owed in Spanish Milled dollars from a staggering $200 million to a more manageable $5 million—an immense reduction achieved with the stroke of a pen.

The resolution reflected a calculated decision by Congressional leaders who believed that radical measures were necessary to stabilize the collapsing economy. Huntington’s Connecticut delegation, which included influential figures like Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth, unanimously supported this resolution. They were convinced that by devaluing the currency, they could lay the groundwork for economic stabilization and gradually restore confidence in the nation's finances.

This currency policy, though controversial, marked a desperate attempt to address the hyperinflation that had rendered Continental currency nearly worthless. The decision underscored the severe financial pressures facing the Congress and illustrated the balancing act leaders faced between immediate fiscal relief and the longer-term need for a stable currency that could sustain the new nation’s credibility both domestically and abroad.

On March 31, 1780, President Samuel Huntington faced yet another challenge to the American war effort as he presided over the court-martial of General Benedict Arnold in what would come to be known as the "Charming Nancy Affair." Arnold, in partnership with several Philadelphia businessmen, had invested in a schooner named Nancy, loaded with valuable goods. However, the Nancy was intercepted by New Jersey privateers and forced to dock at Egg Harbor. Desperate to secure the cargo, a local commander dispatched twelve state wagons on an eight-day journey to retrieve it. This maneuver, unusual and seemingly opportunistic, quickly drew the scrutiny of the Pennsylvania Executive Council, led by Joseph Reed, who harbored long-standing animosity toward Arnold.

Reed, who had previously attempted to undermine Arnold’s position, seized on this opportunity. Keeping meticulous records of any complaints lodged against Arnold since he was appointed Philadelphia’s Military Commander, Reed brought formal charges of "war profiteering" before Congress. Huntington, as president of Congress, was now required to serve as "Chief Justice" in the court-martial, with Congress acting as the tribunal. The hearing, lasting nearly the entire day, concluded with Arnold acquitted on six charges but found guilty on two: allowing unauthorized ships to dock in Philadelphia and using state wagons to transport his cargo. Washington, deeply appreciative of Arnold's valor and battlefield prowess, chose to issue only a "gentle reprimand."

Stung by what he perceived as an injustice and a questioning of his honor, Arnold sought a new command. Through his allies, including General Philip Schuyler, he lobbied Huntington and Washington for command of West Point. Schuyler and New York Delegate Livingston advocated passionately for Arnold’s reassignment, arguing that his proven leadership warranted an important command. By August, Washington, hoping to rekindle Arnold’s commitment to the cause, approved the transfer with Congress’s support, not realizing the betrayal it would enable.

By summer 1780, as the newly appointed Commander of West Point, Arnold found himself ideally positioned to strike a devastating blow to the Continental Army. Frustrated by what he saw as slights to his reputation, Arnold began to consider alternatives. "A personal interview with an officer that you can confide in is absolutely necessary to plan matters," he wrote to British General Clinton, initiating covert contact with Major John André and Loyalist Beverley Robinson. Viewing himself as a potential "General Monk" figure—a role model who had helped restore the British monarchy under Charles II—Arnold convinced himself that ceding West Point to the British would hasten peace and spare countless lives. West Point’s surrender, Arnold argued, would cripple the Continental Army by severing critical supply and trade routes, forcing Congress to abandon independence efforts.

On July 15, 1780, Arnold made his proposition clear to Clinton: in exchange for turning over West Point, he demanded £20,000 and a commission as a British brigadier-general. Clinton agreed, and André traveled north to finalize the scheme. Arnold carefully laid plans to undermine West Point's defenses while simultaneously feeding valuable intelligence to the British.

Their clandestine meeting took place on the night of September 21, 1780, when André came ashore from the British sloop Vulture, anchored near West Point. Arnold handed André detailed military documents and discussed his plans before sending André to stay with Loyalist Joshua Hett Smith. However, the next day, American artillery fired upon the Vulture, forcing it downstream and stranding André on land. Disguised as a civilian, André attempted an overland escape but was intercepted by three American militiamen. When the men discovered incriminating documents in his boots, including a pass signed by Arnold, André was promptly arrested.

Upon learning of André’s capture, Arnold hastily fled to British-controlled New York, leaving behind his command—and his honor. Washington, returning from Hartford, wrote urgently to Congress from Robinson’s House on September 26, 1780, describing the incident:

"In the mean time, a packet had arrived from Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, announcing the capture of a John Anderson, who was endeavouring to go to New York with several interesting and important papers, all in the handwriting of General Arnold. This was also accompanied with a letter from the prisoner, avowing himself to be Major John André, adjutant-general of the British army, relating the manner of his capture, and endeavouring to show that he did not come under the description of a spy."

Washington continued, reflecting on the actions of the militiamen:

"Their conduct gives them a just claim to the thanks of their country, and I also hope they will be otherwise rewarded. As soon as I know their names, I shall take pleasure in transmitting them to Congress."

In the midst of  Arnold's treason challenge, on September 28, 1780, President Huntington announced that his one year term had technically expired according to the Articles of Confederation, now ratified by 12 states. But because full ratification required all 13 states, Northern delegates, recognizing Huntington’s steady leadership, urged him to remain. South Carolina Delegate John Mathews, however, expressed outrage, accusing Huntington of overstepping republican values. He wrote to Nathaniel Peabody:

"I think of all the men of ambition I have ever met with in the course of my peregrinations (which have not been confined within a very narrow compass) S.H. bears away the prize in triumph...This is true Republican doctrine. Ay! you may laugh, or get into a passion about it—but I tell you it must be so, because the Greatest Republican in America said so. Damnation seize such Sycophants! Who will sell their consciences to the Devil for the sake of carrying a favorite point?"

The same evening, Huntington received Washington’s letter detailing Arnold's treason and responded swiftly:

"General Washington to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress.

Robinson House, In The Highlands, September 26, 1780.
To: The President Of Congress.

Sir: In the mean time, a packet had arrived from Lieutenant-Colonel Jameson, announcing the capture of a John Anderson, who was endeavouring to go to New York with several interesting and important papers, all in the handwriting of General Arnold. This was also accompanied with a letter from the prisoner, avowing himself to be Major John André, adjutant-general of the British army, relating the manner of his capture, and endeavouring to show that he did not come under the description of a spy. From the several circumstances, and information that the general (Arnold) seemed to be thrown into some degree of agitation on receiving a letter, a little time before he went down from his quarters, I was led to conclude immediately, that he had heard of Major André's captivity, and that he would, if possible, escape to the enemy; and I accordingly took such measures as appeared the most probable, to apprehend him. But he had embarked in a barge, and proceeded down the river under a flag to the Vulture sloop-of-war, which lay some miles below Stony and Verplanck's Points. After he got on board, he wrote to me a letter, of which the enclosed is a copy.

Major André is not arrived yet, but I hope he is secure, and that he will be here to-day. I have been and am taking proper precautions, which I trust will prove effectual, to prevent the important consequences which this conduct on the part of General Arnold was intended to produce. I do not know the party that took Major André, but it is said to have consisted only of militia, who acted in such a manner as does them the highest honour, and proves them to be men of great virtue. They were offered, I am informed, a large sum of money for his release, and as many goods as they would demand, but without any effect. Their conduct gives them a just claim to the thanks of their country, and I also hope they will be otherwise rewarded. As soon as I know their names, I shall take pleasure in transmitting them to Congress.

I have the honour to be, &c.,
Geo. Washington."

The President responded:

"I am honored with your Excellency's Despatches of the 26 Instant, which will he laid before Congress in the Morning. (1) We had before received Intelligence from General Greene that General Arnold was gone over to the Enemy. Immediately Orders were given to search & seize his Papers & Effects to be found here, which was speedily executed, but I am not yet advised of what particular Discoveries have been made. With Congratulations on your Return to the Army."[9]

For Huntington, Arnold's defection carried a personal sting, as Arnold had been a trusted figure from their hometown of Norwich. Yet Arnold showed no remorse; instead, he began a public campaign to justify his actions, publishing an address on October 7 that attempted to rationalize his "perfidious Treachery," using what Huntington described as "flimsy arguments" to defend his betrayal.

To the INHABITANTS of AMERICA.

I SHOULD forfeit even in my own opinion, the place I have so long held in yours, if I could be indifferent to your approbation, and silent on the motives which have induced me to join the Kingarms.

A very few words however shall suffice upon a subject so personal, for to the thousands who suffer under the Tyranny of the Usurpers in the revolted provinces as well as to the great multitude, who have long wished for its subversion, this instance of my conduct can want no vindication, and as to that class of men who are criminally protracting the war from sinister views at the expense of the public interest, I prefer their enmity to their applause. I am therefore only concerned in this address to explain myself to such of my countrymen, as want abilities or opportunities to detect the artifices by which they are duped.

Having fought by your side when the love of our country animated our arms, shall expect from your justice and candor, what your deceivers with more art and less honestly, will find it inconsistent with their own views to admit. When I quitted domestic happiness for the perils of the field, I conceived the right of my country in danger, and that duty and honour called me to her defence. A redress of grievances was my only object and aim, however I acquiesced in a step which I thought precipitate, the declaration of independence: to justify this measure many plausible reasons were urged, which could no longer exist, when Great Britain with the open arms of a parent offered to embrace us as children, and grant the wishes for redress.

And now that her worst enemies are in her own bosom I should change my principles, if I conspired with their designs: yourselves being judges, was the war the less just, because fellow subjects were considered our foes? You have felt the torture in which we raised our arms against a brother, God incline the guilty protractors of these unnatural dissentions, to resign their ambition, and cease from their delusions, in compassion to kindred blood.

I anticipate your question, was not the war a defensive one until the French joined in the combination? I answer, that I thought so. You will add was it not afterwards necessary, till the separation of the British empire was compleat? By no means, in contending for the welfare of my country I am free to declare my opinion, that this end attained, all strife should have ceased.

I lamented therefore the impolicy, tyranny and injustice, which with a sovereign contempt of the people of America, studiously neglected to take their collective sentiments of the British proposals of peace, and to negociate under a suspension of arms, for an adjustment of differences, as a dangerous sacrifice of the great interests of this country to the partial views of a proud antient and crafty foe. I had my suspicions of some imperfection in our councils, on proposals prior to the Parliamentary Commission of 1778; but having then less to do in the cabinet than the field, (I will not pronounce peremptorily as some may, and perhaps justly, that Congress have veiled them from the public eye:) I continued to be guided in the negligent confidence of a soldier. But the whole world saw, and all America confessed that the overtures of the second commission exceeded our wishes and expectations, and if there was any suspicion of the national liberality, it arose from its excess.

Do any believe we were at that time really entangled by an alliance with France, unfortunate decaption! and thus they have been duped, by a virtuous credulity in the incautious moments of intemperate passion to give up their felicity to serve a nation wanting both the will and the power to protect us, and aiming at the destruction both of the mother country and the provinces. In the plainness of common sense, for I pretend to no casuistry, did the pretended treaty with the Court of Versailles, amount to more than an overture to America? Certainly not, because no authority had been given by the people to conclude it, nor to this very hour have they authorized its ratification. The Articles of Confederation remain still unsigned.

In the firm persuasion therefore, that the private judgment of any individual citizen of this country is as free from all conventional restraints, since as before the insidious offers of France, I preferred those from Great Britain, thinking it infinitely wiser and safer, to cast my confidence upon her justice and generosity, than to trust a monarchy too feeble to establish your independency, so perilous to her distant dominions; the enemy of the Protestant Faith, and fraudulently avowing an affection for the liberties of mankind, while she holds her native sons in vassalage and chains. I affect no disguise, and therefore frankly declare that in their principles, I had determined to retain my arms and command for an opportunity to surrender them to Great Britain, and in concerting the measures for a purpose in my opinion, as grateful as it would have been beneficial to my country: I was only solicitous to accomplish an event of decisive importance, and to prevent as much as possible in the execution of it, the effusion of blood.

With the highest satisfaction I bear testimony to my old fellow soldiers, and citizens, that I find solid ground to rely upon the clemency of our sovereign, and abundant conviction that it is the generous intention of Great Britain, not only to leave the rights and privileges of the colonies unimpaired, together with their perpetual exemption from taxation, but to superadd such further benefits as may consist with the common prosperity of the empire. In short, I sought for much less than the parent country is as willing to grant to her colonies as they can be to receive or enjoy.

Some may think I continued in the struggle of these unhappy days too long, and others that I quitted it too soon -- To the first I reply, that I did not see with their eyes, nor perhaps had so favourable a situation to look from, and that to our common master I am willing to stand or fall. In behalf of the candid among the latter, some of whom I believe serve blindly but honestly --- in the bands I have left, I pray God to give them all the lights requisite to their own safety before it is too late, and with respect to that herd of censurers, whose enmity to me originates in their hatred to the principles, by which I am now led to devote my life to the re-union of the British empire, as the best, and only means to dry up the streams of misery that have deluged this country, they may be assured that conscious of the rectitude of my intentions I shall treat their malice and calumnies with contempt and neglect.

B. ARNOLD. New York, October 7, 1780."

Following Benedict Arnold's audacious letter attempting to rationalize his betrayal, Congress was outraged. They promptly ordered a comprehensive investigation into Arnold's entire record as a Continental Army officer. By mid-October, as disturbing details of Arnold’s conduct surfaced, President Samuel Huntington informed Connecticut Governor Jonathan Trumbull of the preliminary findings. Huntington wrote candidly:

"The treason of Benedict Arnold hath been a topic of much conversation, and many of his scandalous transactions are brought to light that were before concealed" [10].

With each revelation, Huntington grew more resolute in denouncing Arnold’s disloyalty. In a symbolic act designed to publicly condemn the traitor, Huntington signed an official Presidential Order that struck Arnold’s name from the register of Continental officers. This highly visible gesture underscored Congress's unified denunciation of Arnold’s actions. Arnold, however, remained undeterred; under British protection, he continued his military service against the Americans, buoyed by recent British successes on land and at sea. The British prepared to sail with their new general, hoping to further pressure the fragile American resistance.

In recognition of the bravery and integrity of the three young New York militiamen who had captured Major John André, Congress took additional steps to honor them. On November 3, 1780, Congress enacted a resolution commemorating John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wart for their pivotal role in exposing Arnold’s treason. Congress recognized that these militiamen, though offered substantial bribes by André for his release, had resisted the temptation, upholding their commitment to their country. The legislation read:

"Whereas, Congress have received information that John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wart, three young volunteer militiamen of the State of New York, did, on the 23d day of September last, intercept Major John André, adjutant-general of the British army, on his return from the American lines, in the character of a spy; and, notwithstanding the large bribes offered them for his release, nobly disdaining to sacrifice their country for the sake of gold, secured and conveyed him to the commanding officer of the district, whereby the dangerous and traitorous conspiracy of Benedict Arnold was brought to light, the insidious designs of the enemy baffled, and the United States rescued from impending danger."

In recognition of their selflessness and patriotism, Congress resolved to provide them with an annual pension and custom-made medals:

"Resolved, That Congress have a high sense of the virtuous and patriotic conduct of the said John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wart. In testimony whereof, Ordered, That each of them receive annually, out of the public treasury, 200 dollars in specie, or an equivalent in the current money of these States, during life; and that the Board of War procure for each of them a silver medal, on one side of which shall be a shield with this inscription: ‘Fidelity,’ and on the other the following motto: ‘Vincit amor patriæ,’ and forward them to the commander-in-chief, who is requested to present the same, with a copy of this resolution, and the thanks of Congress for their fidelity, and the eminent service they have rendered their country."

In awarding these honors, Congress not only acknowledged the critical role of these men in thwarting Arnold’s treason but also demonstrated a deep respect for the values of integrity and loyalty that underpinned the revolutionary cause. The formal presentation of the resolution, medals, and pensions would serve as an enduring reminder of the sacrifices made in pursuit of independence and the vigilance required to protect the emerging republic.

Capture of Major André by JOHN PAULDING, DAVID WILLIAMS, and ISAAC VAN WART Repoussé, September 23, 1780, FIDELITY. Field embossed in and wreathed with two branches, one of laurel, the other of palm, united by a ribbon. VINCIT AMOR PATRIÆ. (Love of country conquers.) A vacant space, to receive the name of the recipient, between two branches of fleur-de-lis, united by a ribbon.

A Repoussé, made by a silversmith.  These three militiamen: John Paulding was born in New York in 1759; and died in Westchester County, New York, February 18, 1848; David Williams was born in Tarrytown, October 21, 1754, and died in Broome, Schoharie County, New York, August 2, 1831; Isaac Van Wart was born in New York in 1750, and died in Westchester County, New York, May 23, 1818.  captured Major André, of the British Army, September 23, 1780, and refusing his large offers of money, delivered him up to the American commanding officer of the district. Thus the treasonable intentions of General Arnold to surrender West Point to the enemy were frustrated. For this great service to their country they each received the thanks of Congress and a silver medal.

The severe maritime challenges that President Samuel Huntington faced during his tenure were evident in his correspondence with Caesar Rodney, the President of the Supreme Council of Delaware. On November 13, 1780—only six months after General Benjamin Lincoln surrendered to the British in Charleston—Huntington wrote to Rodney about the troubling use of captured American papers and clearances. With British control over key ports in New York, the Carolinas, and Georgia, the enemy was exploiting captured American documents to disrupt trade and gather intelligence. This deception posed serious risks to the American alliance with France and compromised military and trade operations. In his letter to Rodney, Huntington described the urgent need for action:

"Congress having received Information from the Honorable the Minister of France, of Inconveniencies & Injuries received by our Allies, resulting from the Abuse the British make of Papers & Clearances they take in American Prizes, by personating the Officers & Commanders named in such Papers, being fully acquainted with the Language & Manners of our Officers & Seamen &c. In Compliance with the request of the Minister of France, Congress have adopted the enclosed Resolution in Order to detect such Abuses in future; and I am to request your Excellency's Attention to the necessary Measures for carrying the same into effectual Execution."

Just four days later, on November 17, Huntington turned his attention to Virginia. He informed General Washington of troubling intelligence from Governor Thomas Jefferson, which revealed Britain’s intensified campaign to capture the critical Southern state. Huntington enclosed the intercepted letter from British General Leslie to Lord Cornwallis, which outlined enemy plans:

"I enclose your Excellency Copy of a Letter of the 10 Instant, just received from Governor Jefferson, with the Copy of an intercepted Letter (referred to in the Governors) from General Leslie to Lord Cornwallis; which in some Measure discovers the Designs of the Enemy at the Time they landed in Virginia."[11].

During this same period, Washington faced the profound challenge of keeping his ill-supplied, starving army intact and disciplined. As morale and supplies waned, incidents of Continental soldiers plundering private property began to emerge. Washington immediately ordered General Anthony Wayne to dedicate resources to protect the local populace, emphasizing the importance of treating citizens fairly:

"They have, from their situation, borne much of the burthen of the War and have never failed to relieve the distresses of the Army, when properly called upon. These robberies…are as repugnant to the principles of the cause in which we are engaged as oppressive to the inhabitants and subversive of that order and discipline which must Characterize every well regulated army" [12].

In his general orders from Totowa on November 6, 1780, Washington firmly addressed these offenses:

"It is with infinite regret the Adjutant General is obliged once more to take notice of the disorderly conduct of the soldiers arising in a great measure from the abuse of passes: the whole country is overspread with straggling soldiers with the most frivolous pretences, under which they commit every species of robbery and plunder...To remedy these evils and to have the army ready for any sudden emergency the General does in most express and positive Terms forbid all but General Officers, and Officers commanding Regiments to grant passes; and not more than eight from a regiment are to be given by the latter in a day, and those only to Soldiers of orderly conduct."[13].

In December, Huntington temporarily shifted from military crises, hosting General Rochambeau’s aide, Chastellux, in Philadelphia. Huntington arranged a formal banquet for the French officers, signaling to both the French and the American states the commitment to their alliance. The Maryland delegates, meanwhile, indicated that they were nearing a compromise on their border disputes, a significant step toward ratifying the Articles of Confederation, which remained essential for uniting the states.

Despite Huntington’s diplomatic efforts and Washington’s rigorous command, the state of the Continental Army and the United States remained perilous. On December 20, 1780, British Brigadier General Benedict Arnold departed New York City with 1,600 men, intent on invading Virginia, disrupting the government, and capturing Governor Thomas Jefferson, the Declaration of Independence’s primary author.

Arnold’s campaign southward coincided with the British advance northward, fresh off their victories in the Carolinas. This dual assault plunged the Continental forces into despair, even driving Washington’s Pennsylvania troops to mutiny on January 1, 1781. Seeking refuge on Staten Island, the mutineers refused to fight unless their grievances were addressed. Washington deployed the New Jersey Continentals to contain the Pennsylvania forces and prevent defections to the British. British General Henry Clinton, learning of the unrest, sent emissaries to the mutineers with promises of shelter within British ranks. However, the mutineers ultimately captured these emissaries and turned them over to Huntington. Congress tried and executed them as spies, effectively quelling the mutiny.

Meanwhile, on January 14, 1781, Arnold’s 27-ship fleet reached Richmond. The British troops showed no restraint, burning the city as they searched for Virginia’s leaders. Jefferson and state officials narrowly escaped, retreating into central Virginia’s hills. Jefferson later learned of the impending attack from James Madison, who attributed the crisis to the states’ failure to ratify the Articles of Confederation. Madison’s letter to Jefferson voiced his frustration with the nation’s disunity and the dire situation facing the Continental Army:

"Another embarkation has taken place at New York supposed to consist of two thousand five Hundred land forces, whose destination is not yet known the fleet fell down to the Hook on Wednesday last. Our Conjecture is that they are destined to the Southward, and indeed all the Enemy's political & military maneuvers seem to indicate their Intention of making a Vigorous effort against the Southern States, this Winter. We are Sorry to inform yr. Excellency that we receive very little Authentic Intelligence of the Steps which are taking to counteract those vigorous operations...and above all, of the measures perusing to cancel the old money and give an effectual Support to the new, by providing for its punctual and final redemption with Specie. This is a crisis at which we conceive a most assiduous application to these great objects to be necessary, and (next to the completion of the Confederacy which is perhaps the Basis of the whole) of the first importance to America therefore highly importing us to know, as the measures of so large a state as ours cannot but have considerable effects on the other states in the Union" [15].

As British forces surged forward and Arnold’s campaign laid waste to Richmond, the urgency for unity and effective leadership was clearer than ever. For Huntington and Washington, these months represented one of the Revolution’s darkest chapters, where the persistent disunity among the states and the Continental Army’s distress combined to threaten the entire American cause.

On January 1, 1781, 1,500 soldiers of the Pennsylvania Line, frustrated by months of unpaid wages, scarce provisions, and deteriorating conditions, mutinied. The men marched on Princeton, taking control of the college town and posing a serious threat to stability. Congress worked feverishly to address the soldiers’ grievances, seeking to quell the uprising swiftly. By January 10, Congress had resolved the Pennsylvania mutiny, but the underlying tensions in the Continental Army were far from settled. Only ten days later, on January 20, the New Jersey Brigade at Pompton mutinied as well, and this time, negotiations proved ineffective. Fearing the entire army might dissolve in a cascade of rebellion, General George Washington took decisive action.

Washington ordered General Robert Howe to march from West Point to suppress the mutiny at Pompton with extreme measures. Howe was directed to make an example of the ringleaders, and he executed Washington's orders precisely, putting the two principal instigators to death on the spot. In a letter to President Samuel Huntington, Washington reported on the impact of his swift action:

"Ringwood, January 27, 1781. Dr. Sir: I have the pleasure to inform your Excellency that the measures concerted for quelling the mutiny in the Jersey line were this morning carried into full execution. The mutineers were unexpectedly surrounded and awed into an unconditional surrender with little hesitation and no resistance. Two of the principal actors were executed on the spot, the rest pardoned. The spirit of mutiny seems now to have completely subsided and to have given place to a genuine repentance. This was very far from being the case previous to this step, notwithstanding the apparent submission which the assurances of redress had produced; they still continued insolent and refractory and disobedient to the commands of their officers... The existence of the Army called for an example" [16].

President Huntington and Congress understood the validity of the soldiers’ grievances. However, without taxation power, Congress could not replenish the empty treasury, which continued to suffer from rampant inflation, inadequate supplies, and the inability to meet the soldiers’ overdue pay. With few other options, Huntington increased Congressional appeals to the states for financial support to maintain the army and prevent further unrest.

As Congress navigated the challenges of internal discord, President Huntington received inspiring news from the southern front. On January 19, he read a report from General Daniel Morgan recounting the decisive American victory at the Battle of Cowpens. Morgan’s dispatch provided Huntington and Congress with a welcome morale boost, describing the defeat of British forces under Lieutenant-Colonel Banastre Tarleton:

"The troops I have the honour to command have been so fortunate as to obtain a complete victory over a detachment from the British army, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton...The action happened on the 17th instant, about sunrise, at the Cowpens. It perhaps would be well to remark, for the honour of the American arms, that although the progress of this corps was marked with burning and devastation, and although they waged the most cruel warfare, not a man was killed, wounded, or even insulted, after he surrendered" [17].

Morgan’s report went on to detail his strategic maneuvering before and during the battle:

"On the 14th instant, having received certain intelligence that Lord Cornwallis and Lieutenant-Colonel Tarleton were both in motion...I abandoned my encampment on Grindall's Ford on the Pacolet, and on the 16th, in the evening, took possession of a post...on Broad river. My situation at the Cowpens enabled me to improve any advantages I might gain, and to provide better for my own security should I be unfortunate" [17].

Morgan’s tactical acumen and the bravery of his 800 soldiers—most of whom were militia—resulted in the capture of hundreds of British troops, artillery pieces, standards, and supplies, providing a desperately needed victory. Morgan concluded:

"Such was the inferiority of our numbers, that our success must be attributed to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our troops. My wishes would induce me to mention the name of every sentinel in the corps I have the honour to command" [17].

In response to this inspiring victory, Congress began discussing ways to formally honor Morgan and his men.

While military conflicts continued, Congress also moved forward with critical structural reforms. Anticipating Maryland’s imminent ratification of the Articles of Confederation, which would finally unify the states under a common framework, Congress began to reorganize itself to better coordinate the war effort and manage domestic affairs. Debate ensued on establishing a Department of Foreign Affairs, which would centralize diplomatic efforts under a secretary’s direction. By early February, Congress resolved to appoint executive officers to lead the war, navy, and treasury departments, creating a more unified and effective administrative structure.

The most significant change came on February 19, when Congress appointed Robert Morris as Superintendent of Finance. In a resolution aimed at stabilizing the struggling economy, Morris was granted broad powers akin to those of a Secretary of the Treasury. His appointment represented a critical boost in confidence for both the states and Congress, as Morris was known for his financial acumen and connections. Under his leadership, treasury resources were consolidated, enabling Washington and his generals to secure the provisions and support necessary to continue the war.

Morris’s stewardship at the Treasury marked a turning point, instilling renewed hope and determination across the struggling nation. Only six months earlier, many Americans had feared the war for independence was all but lost. Now, with stronger financial backing, improved military strategy, and the imminent unification of the states under the Articles of Confederation, Huntington, Washington, and Congress could see a path forward for the United States in its struggle for freedom.

Military Commission signed by Samuel Huntington as
"President of  Congress of the United States of America"

As President of the Continental Congress, Samuel Huntington turned his focus toward resolving the last major obstacle preventing the ratification of the Articles of Confederation. For over two years, Congress had been embroiled in complex disputes, primarily involving Maryland, New York, Virginia, and Connecticut, over territorial claims in the Northwest Territory. These land claims became a significant impediment to unifying the states under the Articles. In the end, Connecticut made the necessary concessions, relinquishing portions of its western land claims to appease Maryland. Huntington, who had been instrumental in brokering these concessions, then circulated a critical letter to each state, urging them to act in the spirit of unity.

In his letter, Huntington wrote:

“Your Excellency will receive herewith enclosed an Act of Congress of the 6 Instant, adopting the report of a Committee; together with Copies of the several Papers referred to in the report. I am directed to transmit Copies of this report and the several Papers there in mentioned to the Legislatures of the several States, that they may all be informed of the Desires & Endeavours of Congress on so important a Subject, and those particular States which have Claims to the Western Territory, & the State of Maryland may adopt the Measures recommended by Congress in Order to obtain a final ratification of the Articles of Confederation.

"Congress, impressed with a Sense of the vast Importance of the Subject, have maturely considered the same, and the result of their Deliberation is contained in the enclosed report, which being full & expressive of their Sentiments upon the Subject; without any additional Observations: it is to be hoped, and most earnestly desired, that the Wisdom, Generosity & Candour of the Legislatures of the several States, which have it in their Power on the one Hand to remove the Obstacles, and on the other to complete the Confederation, may direct them to such Measures, in Compliance … Samuel Huntington, President” [17].

Huntington's appeal was not without weight. Thanks to his leadership and the diplomatic efforts of Maryland delegates such as Daniel Carroll and John Hanson, Maryland’s resistance to ratification softened. Maryland’s acceptance hinged on securing concessions from New York and Virginia in the Ohio Valley, allowing Maryland to feel assured about its future boundaries. Consequently, on February 2, 1781, Maryland passed an act empowering its delegates to ratify the Articles of Confederation.

The culmination of Huntington’s efforts came on February 22, 1781, when Congress unanimously resolved:

"The delegates of Maryland having taken their seats in Congress with powers to sign the Articles of Confederation: Ordered, That Thursday next [March 1, 1781] be assigned for completing the Confederation; and that a committee of three be appointed, to consider and report a mode for announcing the same to the public: the members, [Mr. George] Walton, Mr. [James] Madison, Mr. [John] Mathews."

Finally, on March 1, 1781, the Articles of Confederation were fully ratified, marking a historic achievement that eluded prior Continental Congress presidents, including John Hancock, Henry Laurens, and John Jay. Huntington’s presidency witnessed what those before him had struggled to secure: the unanimous agreement to the Articles of Confederation, which established the “Perpetual Union” known as the United States of America.

This day marked the legal creation of the United States as a collective entity. The final entry in the Journals of the Continental Congress on March 1, 1781, reads with the reverence and relief of a monumental achievement amidst the chaos of war. After four years of negotiation and compromise, from 1778 to 1781, Huntington’s leadership helped transform the hope of union into a constitutional reality, fortifying the nation in its fight for independence.

Articles of Confederation and perpetual Union between the states of New Hampshire, Massachusetts-bay Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia."

I. The Stile of this Confederacy shall be "The United States of America".

II. Each state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independence, and every power, jurisdiction, and right, which is not by this Confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in Congress assembled.

III. The said States hereby severally enter into a firm league of friendship with each other, for their common defense, the security of their liberties, and their mutual and general welfare, binding themselves to assist each other, against all force offered to, or attacks made upon them, or any of them, on account of religion, sovereignty, trade, or any other pretense whatever ..." (for the entire text please visit the appendix – Articles of Confederation)[18]

With Maryland’s long-awaited ratification of the Articles of Confederation, the transformation of the Continental Congress into a unified national government was at last complete. The ever-fluid body of the Continental Congress now ceased to exist in its previous form. On March 2, 1781, the heading of the official journal pages changed to read "The United States in Congress Assembled," marking a profound shift in identity for the fledgling nation. Huntington had witnessed and guided the formation of a "perpetual union" that had its earliest roots in the Declaration of Independence on July 2 and July 4, 1776, and its formal re-formulation on November 15, 1777, with the drafting of the Articles. Under Huntington’s steady leadership, the United States of America was now a legally unified entity.

At high noon on March 1, 1781, the Articles of Confederation officially became the first constitution of the United States of America. This moment was historic—not just for America, but for the world. The Minister of France, who had supported the American cause with both supplies and diplomacy, was the first to recognize Huntington by the newly designated title, addressing him as “His Excellency the President of the United States, in Congress Assembled.” Huntington’s status now symbolized the nation’s legal and diplomatic recognition as a united state.

The news spread swiftly, and on March 7, 1781, the Pennsylvania Gazette published a detailed account of the ratification event and the public celebration that followed:

"IN pursuance of an Act of the Legislature of Maryland, entitled, 'An Act to empower the Delegates of the State in Congress to subscribe and ratify the Articles of Confederation,' the Delegates of the said State, on Thursday last, at twelve o'clock, signed and ratified the Articles of Confederation; by which act the Confederation of THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA was completed, each and every of the Thirteen States, from New Hampshire to Georgia, both included, having adopted and confirmed and by their Delegates in Congress ratified the same."

The Gazette further described the jubilant atmosphere as citizens and dignitaries celebrated the birth of a legally unified nation:

"This happy event was immediately announced to the public by the discharge of the artillery on land, and the cannon of the shipping in the river Delaware. At two o'clock his Excellency the President of Congress received on this occasion the congratulations of the Hon. the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, and of the Legislative and Executive Bodies of this State, of the Civil and Military Officers, sundry strangers of distinction in town, and of many of the principal inhabitants."

The celebrations continued well into the night, with a brilliant display of fireworks and a grand salute from the Ariel frigate, captained by the renowned John Paul Jones. The Gazette reported:

"The Ariel frigate, commanded by the gallant John Paul Jones, fired a feu de joye, and was beautifully decorated with a variety of streamers in the day, and ornamented with a brilliant appearance of lights in the night."

In a stirring reflection on the importance of the occasion, the Gazette’s editors captured the mood and meaning of the day:

"Thus will the first of March, 1781, be a day memorable in the annals of America, for the final ratification of the Confederation and perpetual Union of the Thirteen States of America --- A Union, begun by necessity, cemented by oppression and common danger, and now finally consolidated into a perpetual confederacy of these new and rising States: And thus the United States of America, having, amidst the calamities of a destructive war, established a solid foundation of greatness, are growing up into consequence among the nations, while their haughty enemy, Britain, with all her boasted wealth and grandeur, instead of bringing them to her feet and reducing them to unconditional submission, finds her hopes blasted, her power crumbling to pieces, and the empire which, with overbearing insolence and brutality she exercised on the ocean, divided among her insulted neighbors."

National Collegiate Honor’s Council Partners in the Park Class of 2017 Students at the 2nd Bank of the United States under the portrait of USCA President Samuel Huntington. Sydney is holding-up a Revolutionary War–dated manuscript document signed as President of the Continental Congress, “Sam. Huntington,” May 16, 1780. This is a $6,000 pay order issued to Joseph Borden, commissioner of the Continental Loan Office of New Jersey for clothing. Chris is holding-up a document signed by James Lawrence, and cancelled by Oliver Ellsworth, Jr. for monies owed by the State of Connecticut to Huntington for his service as a delegate to congress and the nation. The note is dated March 11, 1781, which was the 11th day of the Huntington’s service as the first USCA President under the Articles of Confederation. On the verso is of this document is written "Number 1424 Certificate, Saml Huntington Dat 1 Feby, 1781, £ 11-9-4" with a second signature “Saml Huntington.” President Samuel Huntington was the first President to serve under the Articles of Confederation, not John Hanson. – For more information visit our National Park and NCHC Partners in the Park Class of 2017 website

The official journal entry on March 2, 1781, reflected this milestone. The journal now carried the formal title "The United States in Congress Assembled" and recorded the members’ presence:

"The ratification of the Articles of Confederation being yesterday completed by the accession of the State of Maryland: The United States met in Congress, when the following members appeared: His Excellency Samuel Huntington, delegate for Connecticut, President..." [19].

Huntington’s role in achieving this milestone was clear in his circular letter to the states, sent on March 2. In it, he officially informed the states of the completion of ratification and expressed his congratulations on the achievement of the union:

"By the Act of Congress herewith enclosed your Excellency will be informed that the Articles of Confederation & perpetual Union between the thirteen United States are formally & finally ratified by all the States. We are happy to congratulate our Constituents on this important Event, desired by our Friends but dreaded by our Enemies. Your Excellency's most obedient humble Servant, Samuel Huntington, President" [20].

The ratification of the Articles marked a defining moment for the United States. The “perpetual union” Huntington had helped to secure was not merely an agreement among states—it was the legal foundation that allowed the United States to face its challenges as a united entity. This act cemented Huntington’s legacy as a leader who had navigated the complex political and diplomatic waters necessary to bring about national unity amidst the turmoil of war.

USCA President Samuel Huntington 

Continued

The Congressional Evolution of the United States of America 

For students and teachers of U.S. history, this video features Stanley and Christopher Klos presenting America's Four United Republics Curriculum at the University of Pennsylvania's Wharton School. Filmed in December 2015, this video is an informal recording by an audience member capturing a presentation attended by approximately 200 students, professors, and guests. To explore the full curriculum, [download it here]. 

Continental Congress of the United Colonies Presidents 

Sept. 5, 1774 to July 1, 1776

Peyton Randolph	September 5, 1774	October 22, 1774
Henry Middleton	October 22, 1774	October 26, 1774
Peyton Randolph	May 20, 1775	May 24, 1775
John Hancock	May 25, 1775	July 1, 1776

Commander-in-Chief United Colonies & States of America

George Washington: June 15, 1775 - December 23, 1783

Continental Congress of the United States Presidents 
July 2, 1776 to February 28, 1781

John Hancock	July 2, 1776	October 29, 1777
Henry Laurens	November 1, 1777	December 9, 1778
John Jay	December 10, 1778	September 28, 1779
Samuel Huntington	September 29, 1779	February 28, 1781

Presidents of the United States in Congress Assembled
March 1, 1781 to March 3, 1789

Samuel Huntington	March 1, 1781	July 6, 1781
Samuel Johnston	July 10, 1781	Declined Office
Thomas McKean	July 10, 1781	November 4, 1781
John Hanson	November 5, 1781	November 3, 1782
Elias Boudinot	November 4, 1782	November 2, 1783
Thomas Mifflin	November 3, 1783	June 3, 1784
Richard Henry Lee	November 30, 1784	November 22, 1785
John Hancock	November 23, 1785	June 5, 1786
Nathaniel Gorham	June 6, 1786	February 1, 1787
Arthur St. Clair	February 2, 1787	January 21, 1788
Cyrus Griffin	January 22, 1788	January 21, 1789

Articles of Confederation Congress
United States in Congress Assembled (USCA) Sessions

USCA	Session Dates	USCA Convene Date	President(s)
First	03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781*	03-02-1781	Samuel Huntington &  Thomas McKean
Second	11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782	11-05-1781	John Hanson
Third	11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783	11-04-1782	Elias Boudinot
Fourth	11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784	11-03-1783	Thomas Mifflin
Fifth	11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785	11-29-1784	Richard Henry Lee
Sixth	11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786	11-23-1785	John Hancock &  Nathaniel Gorham
Seventh	11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787	02-02-1787	Arthur St. Clair
Eighth	11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788	01-21-1788	Cyrus Griffin
Ninth	11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789**	None	None

* The Articles of Confederation was ratified by the mandated 13th State on February 2, 1781, and the dated adopted by the Continental Congress to commence the new  United States in Congress Assembled government was March 1, 1781.  The USCA convened under the Articles of Confederation Constitution on March 2, 1781.  

** On September 14, 1788, the Eighth United States in Congress Assembled resolved that March 4th, 1789, would be commencement date of the Constitution of 1787's federal government thus dissolving the USCA on March 3rd, 1789.

Presidents of the United States of America

1789 - Present

POTUS - CLICK HERE

United Colonies and States First Ladies

1774 - Present

FLOTUS - CLICK HERE

Capitals of the United Colonies and States of America

Philadelphia	Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774	City Tavern & Carpenter’s Hall
Philadelphia	May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776	Pennsylvania State House
Baltimore	Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777	Henry Fite’s House
Philadelphia	March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777	Pennsylvania State House
Lancaster	September 27, 1777	Lancaster  Court House
York	Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778	York-town Court House
Philadelphia	July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783	College Hall - PA State House
Princeton	June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783	Prospect House - Nassau Hall
Annapolis	Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784	Maryland, State House
Trenton	Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784	French Arms Tavern
New York City	Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788	New York City Hall
New York City	October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789	Walter Livingston House
New York City	March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790	Federal Hall
Philadelphia	Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800	Congress Hall
Washington DC	November 17,1800 to Present	Two US Capitol Buildings

Chart Comparing Presidential Powers - Click Here

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USCA President Samuel Huntington 

Continued

Peyton Randolph

September 5, 1774

October 22, 1774

Henry Middleton

October 22, 1774

October 26, 1774

Peyton Randolph

May 20, 1775

May 24, 1775

John Hancock

May 25, 1775

July 1, 1776

John Hancock

July 2, 1776

October 29, 1777

Henry Laurens

November 1, 1777

December 9, 1778

John Jay

December 10, 1778

September 28, 1779

Samuel Huntington

September 29, 1779

February 28, 1781

Samuel Huntington

March 1, 1781

July 6, 1781

Samuel Johnston

July 10, 1781

Declined Office

Thomas McKean

July 10, 1781

November 4, 1781

John Hanson

November 5, 1781

November 3, 1782

Elias Boudinot

November 4, 1782

November 2, 1783

Thomas Mifflin

November 3, 1783

June 3, 1784

Richard Henry Lee

November 30, 1784

November 22, 1785

John Hancock

November 23, 1785

June 5, 1786

Nathaniel Gorham

June 6, 1786

February 1, 1787

Arthur St. Clair

February 2, 1787

January 21, 1788

Cyrus Griffin

January 22, 1788

January 21, 1789

USCA

Session Dates

USCA Convene Date

President(s)

First

03-01-1781 to 11-04-1781*

03-02-1781

Samuel Huntington & 
Thomas McKean

Second

11-05-1781 to 11-03-1782

11-05-1781

John Hanson

Third

11-04-1782 to 11-02-1783

11-04-1782

Elias Boudinot

Fourth

11-03-1783 to 10-31-1784

11-03-1783

Thomas Mifflin

Fifth

11-01-1784 to 11-06-1785

11-29-1784

Richard Henry Lee

Sixth

11-07-1785 to 11-05-1786

11-23-1785

John Hancock & 
Nathaniel Gorham

Seventh

11-06-1786 to 11-04-1787

02-02-1787

Arthur St. Clair

Eighth

11-05-1787 to 11-02-1788

01-21-1788

Cyrus Griffin

Ninth

11-03-1788 to 03-03-1789**

None

None

Philadelphia

Sept. 5, 1774 to Oct. 24, 1774

City Tavern & Carpenter’s Hall

Philadelphia

May 10, 1775 to Dec. 12, 1776

Pennsylvania State House

Baltimore

Dec. 20, 1776 to Feb. 27, 1777

Henry Fite’s House

Philadelphia

March 4, 1777 to Sept. 18, 1777

Pennsylvania State House

Lancaster

September 27, 1777

Lancaster  Court House

York

Sept. 30, 1777 to June 27, 1778

York-town Court House

Philadelphia

July 2, 1778 to June 21, 1783

College Hall - PA State House

Princeton

June 30, 1783 to Nov. 4, 1783

Prospect House - Nassau Hall

Annapolis

Nov. 26, 1783 to Aug. 19, 1784

Maryland, State House

Trenton

Nov. 1, 1784 to Dec. 24, 1784

French Arms Tavern

New York City

Jan. 11, 1785 to Nov. 13, 1788

New York City Hall

New York City

October 6, 1788 to March 3,1789

Walter Livingston House

New York City

March 3,1789 to August 12, 1790

Federal Hall

Philadelphia

Dec. 6,1790 to May 14, 1800       

Congress Hall

Washington DC

November 17,1800 to Present

Two US Capitol Buildings